torsdag, mai 13, 2010

P 95/10: En tom stol

Filed under: 1bib — plinius @ 2:50 pm

Det er farlig å skrive.

Noen mennesker har skrivesperre. Men de fleste har det omvendt. Har de først lært å formulere setninger på papir, kan de fortsette – og fortsette – og fortsette. Papiret yter ikke motstand mot ordene.

Både Habermas og Bourdieu har skrivekløe. De sier veldig mye klokt – om att og om att. Jeg klager ikke overvettes, siden jeg er glad i å lese. Men de som har mindre tid til rådighet, kan trenge en kortere vei til kunnskap. Da er den faglige samtalen et godt alternativ.

Pågående intervjuere haler guruene ned på bakken.

To bøker jeg setter stor pris i denne sjangeren er

  • Peter Dews (red.) Autonomy and solidarity. Interviews with Habermas. Revised edition. London: Verso, 1992.
  • Bourdieu, Pierre. & Waquant, Loïc. J.D. 1995. An Invitation to Reflective Sociology. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992.
    • Norsk utgave: Den kritiske ettertanke. Grunnlag for samfunnsanalyse. Oslo: Det Norske Samlaget.

To tråder

Sist søndag skrev jeg om Habermas. I denne bloggposten er det to tanketråder jeg har lyst til å følge litt videre. Den ene handler USA. Den andre gjelder forholdet mellom Habermas og Bourdieu.

I 1984 ble Habermas intervjuet av Perry Anderson og Peter Dews. De spør:

What is your sense of the current intellectual conjuncture in the West? In «Does philosophy still have a purpose?» you suggested that the Germanic philosophical intensity and originality were migrating to the United States. …

Most of your references in recent years have been along a German-American axis of comparison – as lately in your criticism of the different forms of neo-conservatism in the two countries. …

Would one be right in thinking that France and England, for example – central poles of reference in your treatment of bourgeois civilixation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in Strukturwandel [Borgerlig offentlighet] – have lost salience in your subsequent work?

Habermas svarte bl.a.

– I do in fact prefer a political culture which, like the Ameriucan, dates from the eighteenth century. I marvel at the intellectual openness and readiness for discussion, this mixture of impartiality and engagement, that I find in American students more than in Europe. …

(T)hose members of the Instiutute [for Social Research] who did not return – Marcuse, Löwenthal, Kirchheimer, Neumann and others – have made a big contribution to the dense web of personal and academic ties between here and over there. …

Fraværende Bourdieu

(I)t is evident that the influence of the French has been growing steadily for the last ten years or so. In questions of social theory, the most inventive impulses are coming from Paris – from people like Bourdieu, Castoriadis, Foucault, Gorz, Touraine and so on.

Dette er imidlertid den eneste referansen til Bourdieu i hele boka. Tallene er:

  • Foucault – 12 referanser i registeret
  • Gorz – 6
  • Castoriadis – 2
  • Touraine – 1
  • Bourdieu – 1

I boka Der philosophische Diskurs der Moderne: Zwölf Vorlesungen, som kom ut samme år (1985), trakk Habermas fram Hegel, Nietzsche, Horkheimer/Adorno, Heidegger, Derrida, Bataille, Foucault (to kapitler) og Luhmann. Dessuten fikk Schiller og Castoriadis hvert sitt korte kapittel (ekskurs). Ingen Bourdieu. Han er heller ikke med i navneregisteret.

Hva er det som (ikke) foregår?




Kjødelig sosiologi

In France, Bourdieu was seen not as an ivory tower academic or «cloistered don» but as a passionate activist for those he believed to be subordinated by society. In 2001, a documentary film about Bourdieu – Sociology is a Martial Art – «became an unexpected hit in Paris. Its very title stressed how much of a politically engaged intellectual Bourdieu was, taking on the mantle of Émile Zola and Jean-Paul Sartre in French public life and slugging it out with politicians because he thought that was what people like him should do.»

For Bourdieu, sociology was a combative effort, exposing the un-thought structures beneath the physical (somatic) and thought practices of social agents. He saw sociology as a means of confronting symbolic violence and exposing those unseen areas where one could be free.

Bourdieu’s work continues to be influential. His work is widely cited, and many sociologists and other social scientists work explicitly in a bourdieusian framework. One example is Loïc Wacquant, who persistently applies the bourdieusian theoretical and methodological principles to subjects such as boxing, employing what Bourdieu termed participant objectivization, or what Wacquant calls «carnal sociology.»



First, one must clarify what is meant by this elusive concept of ‘modernity’.

Initially, in other words at the end of the eighteenth century, there was the experience of living in a society and a time in which all pregiven models and and norms wre disintegrating, and in which one therefore had to discover one’s own. Seen in this way, modernity is primarily a challenge.

In positive terms, this period is essentially characterized by individual freedom, and this in three respects: as scientific freedom, as freedom of self-determination – no norm is to be recognized whose point one cannot see for oneself – and as freedom of self-realization.

Dews (1992), s. 225

Profesjonsutdanningene i kunnskapsøkonomien

Undervisningen i profesjonsfagene bør være praksisbasert. Tord Høivik drøfter i denne kronikken hva som bør være styrken til et profesjonsuniversitet.

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